In light of growing challenges and the negative developments in several countries, the EU should strengthen its policy and stand up for the rig… Realistically, because foreign policy is complex and constantly evolving, the EU will need to pursue elements of all three strategic options. It’s anticipated that, by 2022, the conference will yield a set of practical recommendations for the development of EU policies and instruments. A year earlier, twenty-two countries had sent a letter to the council condemning the repression against Uighurs and other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang, China. This article was originally published on Carnegie Europe.Views in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect CGS policy. Trade and other economic policies, which used to be engines of progressive liberalization, are now being recast to protect the EU from potential harmful influences from China and other rising foreign powers. And in political terms, there is a widespread sense of vulnerability and loneliness: “The times in which we could completely depend on others are on the way out” and “we Europeans have to take our destiny into our own hands,” as German Chancellor Angela Merkel has put it. First, while some EU leaders talk the talk of European sovereignty and strategic autonomy, member states preoccupied with their national priorities might not walk the walk and commit the necessary resources. The EU will try hard to avoid taking sides, but if it has to, it will end up supporting the United States. But to do so requires pragmatism and compromise from both sides. A system of multilateral institutions established under U.S. leadership in the 1940s and 1950s aimed to spread these values globally. Discussions are expected to focus on topics that matter most to European citizens, such as healthcare, the environment, social equality, innovation, digital transformation, and EU democracy. By using this website, you agree to our cookie policy. But this letter was soon followed by another letter ultimately signed by fifty states that commended China for its achievement in human rights and opposed the “practice of politicizing human rights, by naming and shaming, and exerting pressure on other countries.” China is skillfully using the leverage of its economic relationships to assemble a broad coalition against the universalist philosophy. However, the hope that countries around the world would embrace the universalist credo turned out to be an illusion. Its share of global GDP might decline by half in the same time frame. However, this new transatlantic relationship would be distinctly different from the earlier U.S.-European partnership during the Cold War. The World Just Needs the Resolve to Act, Politics of Fear and International Influence. Why are Myanmar ‘Realists’ Desperate for Compromise? Of Friends and Foes in the Fight Against Terrorism: NATO and the Politics of Norm Promotion in the 21st Century 4. Now politicians tend to focus on developing European sovereignty, ensuring strategic autonomy, and protecting the European way of life. Europe should wisely use its (limited) influence to mitigate the rivalry and to preserve as much cooperation as possible with, as well as between, the two antagonists. They consider concerns raised by foreign governments, NGOs, and the media about their record on democracy and human rights an offensive legacy of an era of Western dominance that they now see as over. It is the general rule for all decisions concerning EU’ s Foreign and security policy, with each EU Member State having equal vote. Initiatives such as the Alliance for Multilateralism, launched by France and Germany, are steps in the right direction. The first step to securing your place in the UK is understanding... Talk to Your Employer. Even so, while Europe and the United States have similar economic and security concerns overall and could agree on a joint agenda on China, the long-term goals of their policies might be quite different. Trade and other economic policies, which used to be engines of progressive liberalization, are now being recast to protect the EU from potential harmful influences from China and other rising foreign powers. Already today, downtown areas in big cities share similarities. Yet, realistically, the future of Europe will to a large extent depend on the evolving global constellation of forces and on the way the EU chooses to position itself. Only far-reaching, proactive change will protect the European way of life. But it also underlines that there is progress in some parts of the world and that the desire for freedom and democratic governance among civil society is as strong as ever. The EU should make an improved traceability system for seafood compulsory to combat illicit trade and prevent illegal fishing that can damage marine environments, says the World Wildlife Federation (WWF). The recent election of Joe Biden as the next president of the United States will not end the rivalry but rather change the nature of it. The wider approach to securing health also inspires a wider sense of Europe. It includes the EU, four EU Member States (Germany, France, Italy and the United Kingdom) and 15 countries from the rest of the world (Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, South Korea, Turkey and the United States). A graceful management of European decline will bump up against the harsh realities of unresolved global challenges ranging from the climate transition to digitalization. The bloc’s confident self-image as a role model and vanguard of a renewed rules-based international order has been replaced by a defensive attitude, lower ambitions, and a more narrow regional focus. The Conference on the Future of Europe would be an excellent occasion to do so. Analysts such as Bruno Maçães and Christopher Coker have identified the rise of the civilization state as one of the key challenges to the liberal agenda. Introduction - Thinking about Security in the 21st Century 2. Even some of the most successful Asian countries—including Japan, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan—have open societies espousing universalist principles. effectively implement and consolidate the legal instruments and policy measures in place. While the concept’s meaning was never fully explained, it could be characterized as self-determination—the ability to resist external coercion and retain the capacity for autonomous action. Macron made clear that European sovereignty would not supplant national sovereignty in the sense of building a European state but rather complement and enhance it. However, U.S. influence in Europe remains very strong, and in terms of societal, political, and economic structures, Europe is much more aligned with the United States than with China. Internet platforms bring people together but also polarize societies and drive fragmentation. Today, identity politics threaten the EU’s universalist philosophy, and the decline of Europe’s political and economic power threatens to turn the region into a playing field rather than a player. Many Europeans who sorely missed U.S. leadership over the past few years would welcome a revival of the West. Europe’s changed mood partly reflects a genuine rebalancing of global influence. Through  investments in European companies, via its Belt and Road Initiative and the 17+1 forum, it has established a significant presence on the continent. China is determined to become the leading power in the Indo-Pacific and to enhance its clout elsewhere, whereas the United States is determined to contain this development. The United Nations World Food Programme is the 2020 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate. Dhaka 1000, Bangladesh, © 2020 - Centre for Governance Studies. 2nd Floor China is the EU’s second most important economic partner. For decades, sovereignty has been the banner under which nationalists have marched against European integration. But it also underlines that there is progress in some parts of the world and that the desire for freedom and democratic governance among civil society is as strong as ever. For example, people living in London, Shanghai, Sydney, and Vancouver can choose from an eclectic range of food, fashion, culture, and architecture. Numerous states are now in the hands of strongman rulers such as Russian President Vladimir Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro. They consider concerns raised by foreign governments, NGOs, and the media about their record on democracy and human rights an offensive legacy of an era of Western dominance that they now see as over. Reflecting on the EU’s very nature as an international actor could serve as a good starting point for such a discussion. Siding with the United States will not come easy, however, and will carry important economic costs. Their objection to the West’s universalist message doesn’t relate to market economic principles, even though they generally favor a stronger role for the state than one finds in developed Western economies. Already today, downtown areas in big cities share similarities. Whereas Europeans would like to see a China that plays by the rules and is a responsible stakeholder, the United States strives for a China that remains less powerful than itself. Consistent with this strategic option would be a restrictive migration policy, designed to perpetuate the current ethnic composition of Europe—even when faced with a rapidly aging population. For decades, sovereignty has been the banner under which nationalists have marched against European integration. The EU will soon launch its long-awaited Conference on the Future of Europe, a multiyear participatory endeavor involving member states, EU institutions, and the public. However, this new transatlantic relationship would be distinctly different from the earlier U.S.-European partnership during the Cold War. They can empower citizens and make authorities more accountable but also spread disinformation and facilitate surveillance. However, European leaders are finding it almost impossible to speak about this subject. Intensifying operational cooperation while using the potential of Information and Communication Technologies' innovations, enhancing the role of the different EU agencies and ensuring the strategic use of EU … For several decades, the Soviet bloc and parts of the developing world pushed back, propagating an alternative world view.